Understanding the Decline of Muslim Societies

During the Islamic Golden Age (roughly the 8th to the 14th centuries), Muslims dominated the world intellectually. Baghdad, Cordoba, and Cairo were cities of scholarship, innovation, and learning. Muslim thinkers preserved and expanded on Greek philosophy, dominated the world in medical and mathematical advances, and had a rich inquiry and critical thinking culture.

Today, though, the contrast is stark: huge numbers of Muslim majority societies are struggling with low literacy rates, scientific stagnation, and a widespread lack of interest in knowledge production. In many places, the thirst for knowledge that was a hallmark of Islamic civilization in its prime has been replaced by intellectual complacency.

Let us get one thing clear from the start: when people say, “What is wrong with Muslims today?” they do not necessarily mean that something is wrong with the religion overall. They are asking what has gone wrong with the lived experience of “Muslim societies,” why Muslim countries as a whole, on average, are lagging in economic progress, education, innovation, and good governance. Why is so much of the Muslim world stuck? Why are so many Muslims in poverty?

Perhaps most of all, is something wrong in the “mental processes” of so many Muslims that continues to perpetuate these problems? These are hard questions. They can be offensive if asked incorrectly, but they are necessary if we want honest answers and real solutions.

Islam is the second-largest religion in the world. Over 1.9 billion people call themselves Muslims, and they live on all continents, from Jakarta and Istanbul to far-flung villages of the Sahel. They speak hundreds of languages, possess diverse political systems, and are from overwhelmingly varied ethnic and cultural origins.

Despite such huge diversity, when people talk about “Muslims today,” they usually mean the Muslim majority countries located mainly in the Middle East, North Africa, South Asia, parts of Southeast Asia, and Sub-Saharan Africa. Together, the regions comprise the global picture of the Muslim world, especially within media, politics, and global development discourse.

Most of these possess many ingrained problems: endemic poverty, institutional corruption, authoritarian government, and poor education. Some of the poorest and most turbulent nations in the world today are Muslim nations: Yemen is consumed by civil war and starvation, Sudan continues to be beset by political turmoil, Afghanistan grapples with decades of conflict and extremist control, and Somalia grapples with anarchy and starvation.

Even in relatively richer nations like Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, or Qatar (abundant with oil deposits and skyscraper cities), development foundations are tenuous. They tend to rely heavily on foreign workers, lack or have minimal democratic institutions, are repressive of dissent, and invest less in research, science, or technology than innovation-led economies like South Korea, Germany, or America. Even with vast resources, many can not move into knowledge-based economies or create spaces where creativity and critical thinking can emerge. Why?

Colonialism is invoked as an explanation for the difficulties encountered by numerous nations with a majority of Muslims. Indeed, colonialism had a negative impact. A large portion of the Muslim world was divided by European powers between the 18th and 20th centuries, who also exploited its resources, divided its lands, and undermined its traditional institutions. Even now, the effects of such an era are still being felt. The seeds of conflict that afflict many of these countries were sown by colonial powers who drew artificial borders that ignored ethnic, tribal, and cultural realities.

They left behind economies based on dependency rather than sustainable development as they exploited natural resources for their benefit, and the colonial government weakened local leadership and substituted foreign rule for native systems of government, depriving societies of the means for independent political or economic development. The social, political, and economic fabric of many countries with a majority of Muslims has been significantly impacted by this history of exploitation and instability.

However, colonialism was officially abolished decades ago. More than 60 years have passed since the independence of nations like Jordan, Algeria, and Malaysia, and many more have been free of colonial control for even longer. These countries ought to have made more significant strides by now if colonialism were the only problem at hand. Although there is no denying the effects of colonialism, the fact that many of these nations continue to face political instability, underdevelopment, and corruption indicates that the colonial legacy is insufficient to account for the problems that still exist today.

Many of these countries’ issues remained even after colonial powers left. The question then becomes: What is the other, more profound force at work that keeps impeding progress if colonialism was only one period of their history? There is another factor at work.

Natural resources, particularly oil and gas, are abundant in many Muslim nations. The soil beneath these countries is rich, from the fields of North Africa to the sands of the Arabian Peninsula. However, widespread prosperity is not always a direct result of natural wealth.

It frequently has the opposite effect, a phenomenon known as the “resource curse” by economists. This paradox explains how nations with a wealth of natural resources frequently face more political instability, weaker institutions, and slower economic growth than those with fewer natural resources. Resource wealth can stifle innovation, strengthen corruption, and lead to a risky over-reliance on the erratic global commodity markets rather than catalyzing advancement.

Instead of creating genuine, diverse economies, leaders in these nations usually concentrate on extracting and exporting raw materials. Given the abundance of easy oil money, there is little motivation to invest in scientific research, industrial development, or education. When petrodollars can cover everything, at least for the time being, why create a knowledge economy?

For instance, Iraq and Saudi Arabia produce a sizable amount of oil. However, they also have high rates of youth unemployment, poor infrastructure (particularly outside of major cities), and extreme income inequality. Large swaths of the populace are economically marginalized in these and other countries because wealth is frequently concentrated in the hands of ruling families or elites. These are not isolated incidents. Governments in many Muslim countries have failed to establish self-sufficient, competitive economies that can compete globally, particularly in manufacturing, education, and technology. Why is that?

The persistent political dysfunction that plagues many nations with a majority of Muslims is another important factor. Authoritarian governments, hereditary monarchies, military dictatorships, and phony democracies are commonplace. Too often, family loyalty, tribal affiliation, or religious legitimacy are used to gain political power rather than open procedures, skill, or public service.

It results in a firmly established elite class that rules without accountability and frequently puts its survival ahead of the welfare of its people. Dissent is criminalized, opposition is repressed, and substantive political reform is put off indefinitely or only partially carried out to please allies abroad.

Every other sector suffers when a government is unstable or corrupt. The justice system becomes a tool of repression, businesses are choked by red tape or bribery, healthcare systems fail to meet even the most basic needs, and education is either politicized or underfunded. Due to uncertainty and a lack of legal protections, foreign investors hesitate to commit to such an environment.

At the same time, corruption, partiality, and a lack of support deter or drive out local business owners. The end effect is a society where talent is suppressed and advancement is halted—a system that discourages initiative and creativity rather than encourages it.

These circumstances gradually mold people’s thoughts and actions. Generations raised in oppressive or corrupt environments frequently internalize a sense of helplessness. They start to think that hard work and vision are less important for success than connections or submission, and that personal effort, talent, and integrity will not matter. One of the most difficult obstacles to overcome is the deeper problem of mindset, which starts to show here.

The conversation gets complicated but important at this point. “Qadar” (divine decree or destiny) is a deeply held and sincere belief for many Muslims. At its core, Qadar encourages trust in God’s plan and provides comfort in adversity. It reminds believers that there is wisdom in their struggles and that even suffering has a purpose. Such a belief encourages patience, resilience, and spiritual submission to God when properly understood.

In actuality, though, Qadar is easily misunderstood as “fatalism,” the passive conviction that nothing one does matters because “everything is already written” in the divine record. This perverted form of faith has concerning repercussions. People may give up trying when they internalize that their destiny is predetermined. Ambition is discouraged, initiative is viewed as futile, and misfortune is accepted without protest, not as a sign of patience but as resignation.

Working hard to improve one’s circumstances is even regarded with suspicion in some communities, as if doing so is somehow “un-Islamic” or a sign of arrogance and disobedience to God. It may be portrayed as disobedient to divine order rather than constructive to question tradition, question social norms, or seek reform.

However, Islam does not teach this. The Quran encourages devotees to contemplate, enlighten, and act deliberately. The Prophet Muhammad highlighted accountability, perseverance, and schooling in spiritual and material values. Initiative, reform, and social justice marked his life. He concerted effort to resist Mecca’s unfairness rather than take it.

However, the way of practicing religion has evolved in many Muslim communities. Religion is frequently portrayed as a strict framework of obedience, particularly to tradition and human authority rather than directly to God, rather than as a dynamic source of empowerment and accountability.

The result is a tragic paradox. Originally a force for change that promoted literacy, critical thinking, social justice, and transformation, Islam is now frequently linked to passivity and resistance to change. In many cases, stagnation has been justified by the same faith that once spurred a golden age of invention and discovery. The intellectual and spiritual crisis that many Muslim countries are currently experiencing is rooted in this contradiction.

Let us discuss education. There are more serious problems that must be addressed, even though it is true that the Muslim world is not uneducated in the sense that its citizens are illiterate. While literacy rates have undoubtedly increased over time, many Muslim-majority nations continue to face serious problems with the quality and methodology of their educational systems. Most people receive education that is frequently outdated, superficial, and unduly strict. Instead of pushing students to think critically or challenge information, the emphasis is typically on rote memorization.

Instead of being taught as dynamic subjects full of curiosity, exploration, and problem-solving, subjects like science and math are usually taught as a collection of unchanging facts to be accepted without question. It stifles the development of new ideas and undercuts creativity and intellectual growth. Additionally, religious education predominates in the curriculum in many nations. Although faith is an important aspect of life, religious studies are sometimes portrayed more as a means of conformity than encouraging critical thinking or intellectual curiosity.

Systemic problems make the situation even worse. Recruiting and retaining the best teachers is challenging because they are frequently underappreciated and underpaid despite significantly influencing young minds’ development. Underfunding prevents universities and other higher education institutions from investing in research and development or offering high-quality instruction.

Because of this, many of the most talented students who have the potential to spearhead future innovation leave their home nations in pursuit of better prospects in the West. Many Muslim-majority countries lack the intellectual capital required for development and advancement due to the brain drain, which occurs when talented people leave for more developed nations.

The contrast becomes even more apparent when one looks back at early Islamic history. During the Golden Age of Islam, Muslims were pioneers in science, medicine, philosophy, and invention. In cities like Baghdad, Cairo, and Cordoba, which are recognized as centers of learning and intellectual exchange, scholars preserved ancient knowledge and made groundbreaking discoveries. A significant amount of modern philosophy and science has its roots in this intellectual tradition.

Regretfully, this tradition has been the intellectual culture’s gradual stagnation rather than any inherent shortcomings in Islam. The educational systems of many Muslim-majority nations today have been impacted by the decline in intellectual output caused by political unrest, social changes, and a move away from inquiry and debate.

It is impossible to talk about poverty and advancement without mentioning the role of women. In multiple Muslim-majority nations, women are undereducated, underemployed, and underrepresented in administrative positions and the workforce. The problem results from entrenched cultural traditions, social standards, and misconceptions of ecclesiastical texts. Despite their potential, the elements may have walls preventing women from using the same options as men.

These societal structures, which maintain the notion that a woman’s role is limited to the home, place limitations on women’s freedom and mobility, helping to marginalize women in many facets of life.

How can a society realize its full potential when half its members are prohibited or not actively encouraged to participate fully in its political, social, and economic spheres? Suppressing women’s advancement wastes a great resource for a country or community. If allowed to flourish, women’s untapped talent and intelligence could spur innovation, increase productivity, and promote more balanced social development.

It is important to emphasize once more that Islam is not intrinsically anti-woman. Muslim societies have historically produced many powerful, intelligent, and strong women who have played important roles in various disciplines, including politics, philosophy, and science. Figures like the Prophet Muhammad’s first wife, Khadijah bint Khuwaylid, and the distinguished scholar Aisha bint Abi Bakr demonstrate that Islam has never been intrinsically opposed to women’s participation in society.

In many contemporary Muslim societies, systems that limit women’s roles in the name of morality or modesty instead of enabling them to make contributions to society as a whole are the result of religious interpretations and social norms.

The repercussions are obvious. Reduced household incomes, a smaller national GDP, and the loss of potential talent that could support all facets of national development are all consequences of women’s societies restricting women’s participation. In addition to disadvantageously affecting half of their population, these nations also impede their advancement and global competitiveness by not utilizing women’s full potential.

The persistent blaming of outsiders is another important mindset problem that impedes progress. It is no secret that Western foreign policy, whether it be invasions, drone strikes, backing for cruel dictators, or economic manipulation that takes advantage of weaker nations, has frequently had disastrous results in the Muslim world. Unquestionably, these acts have resulted in much pain and instability, and their effects are being felt today.

The West’s meddling has frequently made issues worse rather than better, as seen in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as the political unrest in Libya and Syria.

However, there is a risk when this victimization narrative takes over the conversation. When all problems are attributed to outside forces, such as America, Israel, or “the West,” it takes focus away from the internal problems that require immediate attention. While it is true that outside forces played a role in the region’s problems, Muslims lose the chance to address the issues within their communities when they focus all of their resentment on the outside.

Local issues include incompetent leadership, corruption, and bad governance. Homegrown issues include inadequate healthcare, inadequate infrastructure, and weak educational systems. In many societies and organizations, social problems like nepotism, sexism, and tribalism are ingrained.

No significant internal change can occur if the focus is on assigning blame to others. Making progress necessitates having the guts to accept accountability for both internal and external factors. A culture that constantly shifts blame will only become more stagnant. Real change requires accountability on both an individual and group level.

Many modern Muslims look to scholars who emphasize political quietism, have deeply conservative beliefs, and are frequently out of touch with the changing demands and realities of society for religious guidance. These scholars avoid working with non-Muslim communities, oppose participation in technological advancements, and discourage novel interpretations of Islamic teachings. They often present Islam as a defensive identity that must be protected from the inevitable changes of modernity, rather than acknowledging it as a dynamic and evolving force that can inspire growth, creativity, and progress.

Instead of viewing Islam as a dynamic and flexible system that can handle today’s issues, this way of thinking views it as something to preserve people’s traditional form.

People’s capacity to think critically and creatively within an Islamic framework has been suppressed by this conservative approach, which has produced a kind of intellectual society. Young people, a society’s future, frequently grow afraid to ask challenging or unusual questions as their thinking becomes inflexible. In some conservative contexts, even suggesting reform is viewed as a challenge to religious orthodoxy, sometimes even branded as heresy, and innovation is branded as a departure from the status quo. As a result, there is a culture of intellectual stagnation where people are afraid to deviate from tradition.

Although this is undoubtedly not the case everywhere in the Muslim world, reformist academics and intellectuals who put forth great effort to question these constrictive standards frequently find themselves marginalized or even silenced. The dominant conservative voices usually drown out their ideas, which could lead to the intellectual revolution needed for a better future. It limits the potential for change and development in many Muslim societies.

There is nothing fundamentally wrong with Muslims. They are not doomed. They are not inherently backward. Although they are real, the issues are psychological, educational, and structural. They also do not give up. Muslim societies have been caught for far too long between a cautious, suspicious view of the future and a defensive, unduly sentimental view of the past. Stasis is the result of that tension.

It will not be through slogans, oil money, or blaming the West if things are to change, if poverty is to be eradicated, or if Muslim countries are to prosper. It will originate internally, through strong leadership, improved education, economic reform, and above all, a change in perspective from one of passivity to responsibility. Muslims do not have to adopt Western culture. However, they must take back the best aspects of their heritage and use them to create something new.

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